It was difficult for me to decide which side ensured equal opportunities for all, and guaranteed planned development with a goal of positive economic growth in all sectors. But I never imagined only after three decades, religion would become central to West Bengal’s politics.
As West Bengal rolled into the heat of the eight-phase election from March 27, I find myself reminiscing about the past – far from India, in Germany.
Coming from a family with strong social values, I worry about the outcome of the polls that just began. I remember, when I was growing up in Kolkata in the 1970s and 1980s, my paternal uncle Ranajit Guha encouraged us to engage in intellectual debates on political responsibility, the trends of healthcare system, privatization and issues related to unemployment. My paternal side has always been inclined to the leftist ideology.
With three major political parties in the fray, each promising better governance once elected, Bengal’s electorate is confused which side to vote for in the 2021 West Bengal Assembly election (Picture courtesy: Getty Images)
My mother’s side, on the other hand, supported the Indian National Congress, mainly due to the charisma of the then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi and her connection to the 1971 Bangladesh war of independence.
It was difficult for me to decide which side made more sense in a pluralistic and secular India, which can ensure equal opportunities for all, and which can guarantee planned development with a goal of positive economic growth in all sectors. But I never imagined though that only after three decades, religion would become central to West Bengal’s politics.
Being a German citizen now, I am not particularly interested in who wins or loses the West Bengal state election. By all accounts, the Trinamool Congress (TMC) has run an average government with some popular schemes. Its track record on democratic rights and corruption is also not exceptional. The demise of the Left and the continuing irrelevance of the Congress is now a template for Bengal politics. In this context, the Bharatiya Janata Party’s (BJP) rapid rise was very much expected.
That the BJP desperately wants to win in West Bengal is known to all. It is also clear that it wants to expand its influence all over India. The losses that the BJP has suffered, and is likely to suffer in the North, can only be compensated in the East or the South. Right now, states such as Tamil Nadu and Kerala are still far for the BJP’s reach. That’s why Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s party needs major electoral gains in the East, where its tally of just three seats in the previous election is not enough.
But it is not an alarming situation, at least not yet. The BJP performs much worse in state elections than in the national polls. Also, the party does not have any popular leader in West Bengal that can challenge Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee. Even Bollywood superstar Mithun Chakraborty could not surpass her popularity.
Banerjee’s manifesto is also more precise this time, with a key focus on economy, social justice, security, youth, food, agriculture, industry, health, education, housing and infrastructure – the so called “Didir 10 Ongikar” or the 10-point agenda. Thus, the center might be tempted to use the powers at its disposal to neutralize the strong-arm tactics of the TMC cadre on the ground. I fear blatant partisanship and rigging on the polling days.
The BJP is alleged to have poured money to influence the West Bengal election and used every possible means to communally divide the state — a state that has 30 percent Muslim voters, mainly in Murshidabad, Malda and North Dinajpur districts.
The Bengal region has been marred by a bloody communal history, witnessing violent clashes after the Partition. I fear that a deliberate attempt to create communal divide and hatred can push the region toward a similar situation.
Unfortunately, ideologies no longer play a major role in politics. This could mean that political parties will be only interested in gaining or regaining power, forming unnatural coalitions, even with rivals like the Congress and the newly uplifted Left Front, which have already finalized an election alliance with the Indian Secular Front (ISF), a party formed last month by Pirzada Abbas Siddiqui, an influential cleric of the shrine of Furfura Sharif in Hooghly district.
The deal is seen as a setback for the Congress-Left, which secured only 12 percent of the vote and two seats in the 2019 West Bengal Lok Sabha elections. With the support of the ISF, the parties hope to regain some of the ground that they have lost in recent years. This would appear to suggest a closer three-front fight in the state elections – among the TMC, the BJP, and the Left-Congress-ISF alliance. It remains to be seen what impact will it have on the Muslim vote that is crucial to Trinamool’s success.
The TMC is also purported to have mixed religion and politics in the name of “Imam Bhata” and “Purohit Bhata” to win voters, much according to the plan by Prashant Kishore, who has been appointed as the new election strategist for the TMC. He has worked with several political parties in the past and even helped Narendra Modi become Gujrat’s chief minister for the third time in 2012. His strategy also helped the BJP win an absolute majority in the 2014 Lok Sabha elections.
The eight-phase election is likely to give the BJP enough time to campaign across the state. As elections in the other states comprise of three phases, the BJP will be able to give more time to Bengal in the remaining phases and hold numerous rallies and public meetings. On the other hand, the ruling TMC is likely to receive a setback due to this prolonged election schedule, as polling will be held simultaneously in northern and southern districts.
Needless to say, by holding election in multiple parts in several districts, the Election Commission will also find it difficult to seal the inter-district borders, which may leave the state of Bengal in disarray.
Can be reached at debarati.guha@dw.com
Opinions expressed in this article are of the author’s and do not represent the policy of The Edition. The writers are solely responsible for any claim arising out of the contents of their articles.
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