During his eventful years in India, before his great escape from house arrest, Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose was very closely associated with Indian Industrial Relations. Among the top Indian Nationalist Leaders, the contributions of Netaji to Industrial Relations in India is next only to Mahatma Gandhi, writes ANUPLAL GOPALAN
Like Mahatma Gandhi, Netaji too had a clear understanding and views on Indian Industrial Relations. Mahatma Gandhi’s approach to Industrial Relations is popularly known as the “Trusteeship Approach”. We can seriously think of a “Subhashite Approach‟ to Industrial Relations.
Netaji’s first association with Indian Industrial Relations was in the year 1922 when his political mentor and veteran Indian Nationalist Desh Bandhu Chittaranjan Das got him associated with the Lahore Trade Union Congress. His contributions to Indian Industrial Relations is a direct result of his association with the Indian working class and their trade unions, especially as the Outside Trade Union Leader [President] of Jamshedpur Labour Association, Tinplate Workers Union, and TISCO Worker’s Union. He was elected President of India’s first Central Trade Union Federation, the All India Trade Union Congress (AITUC) in 1931 thereby emerging as the most important Trade Union Leader of not only British India but also in the entire British Colonial Empire. His political ideology was Left Wing Nationalism. Thus, it is well-known that he was sympathetic to the Indian working class and the stance of the political party he founded in 1939 (after his resignation from the Indian National Congress) – The Forward Bloc reflected this (Bose, 2002, p.13). Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose was closely associated with trade union movement in Calcutta, Bombay, Nagpur, Jamshedpur and Bokaro.
As a Nationalist, Netaji was strongly in favour of employing Indians in all Industries operating from Indian soil. His role as an outstanding outside trade union leader was instrumental in the TATA Group preferring Indian workers and higher officials in all its plants. In his letter dated November 12, 1928, addressed to the then Chairman of TATA Steel Mr. N. B. Saklatvala, Netaji said, “One of the most important problems before the Company (TATA Steel) is that it lacks senior officials from India. I have no doubt that if you go ahead with your policy of Indianisation of Tata Steel, you will be able to ingratiate yourself with your Indian employees, your countrymen as well as with public leaders of all shades of opinion”. This letter was taken seriously by the TATAs and paved way for the appointment of more Indians in key positions in that Company (Simeon, 1995).
Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose was given the post of the President of TATA Steel Workers Union in the year 1928, as the third President of the union formed in the year 1920. Though the TATA group is now well known as the initiators of various progressive labour welfare and social security schemes, it was Netaji‟s relentless fight including the 1928 strike which he led that ultimately resulted in all these. In fact, there was an attack on Netaji during a meeting in the year 1931 (September 20) which resulted in the disruption of the meeting. Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose’s efforts were indeed responsible for the implementation of maternity benefits for women employees of TATA and also the extension of Gratuity and Pensions for all sections of TATA workers. Netaji’s fearless and relentless struggles also resulted in a historic Memorandum of Agreement (signed by the Chairman N. B. Saklatvala, General Manager C.A. Alexander, and Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose) resulting in the first ever profit Sharing bonus for Tata Steel workers. It may be noted that profit-sharing bonus for Indian workers became statutory in free India only in the year 1965 with the introduction of The Payment of Bonus Act, 1965 (Simeon,1995, p.70).
It is a fact that initially, the Tatas feared that Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose was a new threat to their capitalist interests. Labour Historians cum Journalists such as Dr. Dilip Simeon and Jane Ajaz Ashraf have brought out evidence to prove the fact that the then TATA big bosses had a role in violently disrupting the meeting of September 20, 1931, addressed by Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose. However, no one could (including the 300 plus hooligans who were involved in attacking Bose’s meeting) break his willpower or courage in his fight for worker’s rights. The TATAs, who were totally unwilling to negotiate with the strike committee of TATA Steel Workers, had to budge when Netaji Bose took over as the President of the said Union. This was one of the reasons for Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose to strongly advocate the presence of Outside leaders in Trade Unions (Simeon,1995).
Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose strongly advocated the “Tri-Partite Scheme‟ of Industrial Relations wherein the Government or the State should play a major role in every sphere of Industrial Relations. He considered the State as an indispensable Party in the Industrial Relations Scheme and regarded that the State has the duty of providing employment to citizens or take up the responsibility of maintaining the unemployed citizens. He emphasised the need for Social Security and Labour Welfare Programmes(Bose, 2002, p.153).
In the case of any retrenchment of workers, the State must interfere to solve the associated problems satisfactorily and establish Industrial Peace in the Country. Netaji considered labour problems as political problems and highlighted the necessity of various ameliorative programmes for the benefit of Labour. Netaji was fully aware of the vulnerable position of the Indian workers and thus favoured outside leadership in Trade Unions as one of the means of preventing victimization of Trade Union leaders by the employers. He, therefore, strongly opposed the proposal of the Royal Commission of Labour to amend The Indian Trade Unions Act, 1926 which was enacted as a result of a five-year-long struggle by another veteran Nationalist Narayan Malhar Joshi, who is revered as the father of modern Indian Trade Union Movement. It is interesting to note that in Independent India, the first major amendment to the Trade Unions Act, 1926 actually resulted in tightening of outside leadership in Indian Trade Unions (Bose, 1997, p.124).
Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose envisaged a Socialist Republic of India wherein every citizen should have the right to work and the right to a living wage (highest wage) and not merely a minimum wage whatever be the occupation. He respected the dignity of labour. Netaji had strongly opposed the recommendations of the Royal Commission of Labour for a minimum wage. He was among the first leaders to strongly advocate equality of wages for both men and women in all type of work. On the 4th of July 1931, in his famous speech at the Calcutta Session of the All India Trade Union Congress (AITUC) Netaji proclaimed “I have no doubt in my mind that salvation of India, as of the world, depends on Socialism…..but India should be able to evolve her own environment…….India should, therefore, evolve her own form of Socialism”. During his Presidential Address to the third Indian Political Conference in London on the 10th of June 1933, clearly spelling out his vision for the future (of independent India), Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose proudly proclaimed “Free India will not be a land of capitalists, landlords, and Castes”. He was also dead against separate electorates (on Communal lines). He was optimistic that once the New Free Regime in India is established sufficient attention could be given for the eradication of social problems. He wrote in his August 1942 Article, “India will be able to concentrate her whole attention on the solution of social problems. The most important social problem is that of poverty and unemployment” (Bose,2002, p.149).
Netaji considered literacy of workers as very important. He often warned the peasants and workers to keep away from communal feuds. He considered secular and scientific education as the means to remedy fanaticism and to initiate an economic consciousness. In “Vision of a Free India” (1928), he stated, “There is much in common between a Hindu peasant and a Muslim peasant than between a Muslim peasant and a Muslim Zamindar” (Ayer, 1972, p.33).
Netaji wrote extensively on Indian trade union movement. He advocated the organization of peasants and workers on a Socialist Programme. He was against the policy of the most prominent political party in British India – the Indian National Congress (INC) –which tried to accommodate various capitalistgroups, as it is often detrimental to the working class interest. He was very optimistic about the inner strengths of Indian Trade Unions and advocated the use of trade union power against the British-imperialistic rule in India. According to Netaji, the organised forces of Labour (including peasants) must strive for promoting the cause of India’s political emancipation. He warned that if trade unions were to become a loose federation, it would be suicidal to the Indian working class. He considered strikes as an effective weapon in the hands of the exploited working class, to strongly express their grievance and gain their legitimate rights when all other methods fail. In this case, his ideas of strike matched with the ideas of Mahatma Gandhi. Netaji has the credit of leading some major strikes in India for genuine reasons, to great success (Ayer, 1972, p.63).
Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose was very clear that in Free India, it would be the responsibility of the Nationalist Government to look after the welfare of the labourers providing them with a living wage, sickness insurance, and accident related compensation. He wanted various institutions for labour welfare in India. Netaji was greatly impressed by the German and other European Labour Welfare Bodies. He gave a detailed account of all these in his article “Free India and Her Problems” published in August 1942 (Bose,2002, p.154).
It is important for students of Industrial Sociology and Industrial Relations to note that many of the suggestions and ideas of Netaji regarding socialist state, literacy of workers, secularism, worker’s rights, national integration, labour welfare, etc., finds a place in the objectives of the leading Central Trade Union Federations. All India Trade Union Congress [AITUC], Indian National Trade Union Congress [INTUC] and Centre of Indian Trade Unions [CITU]. These also find a prominent place in the Constitution of India and the recommendations given by the First National Commission of Labour. Netaji’s commitment to establish Socialism and develop an exploitation free world order particularly for the working class was “seriously” taken note of by the British-Indian Intelligence. The Head of the Political Wing of the Bengal Presidency Administration, Mr. A. B. Moberly, in a secret report to his political masters of the British Colonial Government, informed that the Trade Union activities of Subhas Chandra Bose were detrimental to the interest of road transport and the supply of petrol as well. And so “He (Subhas Chandra Bose) should be removed from this form of activities” (Basu, 2009, p.284).
One of his greatest contributions to Industrial Relations was his ability to instill a sense of patriotism and a sense of responsibility to the motherland among the workers with whom he was associated. He was of the strong view that Indian Trade Unions should take an anti-imperialist stand. Left wing Trade Union Federations of India like The All India Trade Union Congress (AITUC), Centre of Indian Trade Unions (CITU), Trade Union Co-ordination Centre (TUCC) & Hind Mazdoor Sabha (HMS) have incorporated Netaji‟s ideas of Socialism and anti-imperialism in their Constitution.
ANUPLAL GOPALAN is Assistant Professor of Industrial Relations, St. Joseph‟s College (Autonomous), Bangalore. He is a philatelist & numismatist besides being a ‘Subhas Chandra Bose’ researcher. He can be reached at anuplalgopalan@gmail.com
Opinions expressed in this article are of the author’s and do not represent the policy of The Edition. The writers are solely responsible for any claim arising out of the contents of their articles.
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Netaji was Netaji.. Thank for information on subhash chandra bose
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